This tightly argued, historically grounded study sets out to demonstrate that a 'pro-choice' stance is as fully justified by Catholic thought as an anti-abortion view, and may even be more compatible with Catholic tradition than the current opposition to abortion espoused by most Catholic leaders.

This book is a major contribution to the current theory of liberalism by an eminent political theorist. It challenges the views of such theorists as Rawls, Dworkin, and Ackerman who believe that the essence of liberalism is that it should remain neutral concerning different ways of life and individual conceptions of what is good or valuable. Professor Galston argues that the modern liberal state is committed to a distinctive conception of the human good, and to that end has developed characteristic (...) institutions and practices - representative governments, diverse societies, market economies, and zones of private action - in the pursuit of specific public purposes that give unity to the liberal state. These purposes guide liberal public policy, shape liberal justice, require the practice of liberal virtues, and rest on a liberal public culture. Consequently the diversity characteristic of liberal societies is limited by their institutional, personal, and cultural preconditions. (shrink)

It is often claimed by environmental philosophers and green political theorists that liberalism, the dominant tradition of western political philosophy, is too focused on the interests of human individuals to give due weight to the environment for its own sake. In "How to be a Green Liberal", Simon Hailwood challenges this view and argues that liberalism can embrace a genuinely 'green', non-instrumental view of nature. The book's central claim is that nature's 'otherness', its being constituted of independent entities and processes (...) that do not reflect our purposes, is a basis for value and can be incorporated within liberal political philosophy as a fundamental commitment alongside human freedom and equality. Hailwood argues that the conceptual resources already exist within mainstream liberalism for a thoroughly non-instrumental perspective. Adopting a rigorous philosophical approach Hailwood tackles a wide range of themes across environmental ethics, including holistic theories, deep ecology, eco-feminism and eco-anarchism, as well as issues in value theory and political philosophy more generally. In making the case for liberalism's green credentials "How to be a Green Liberal" is a formidable challenge to recent green political theory and will be required reading not only for students of political philosophy but for all those interested in the natural world and man's relationship to it. (shrink)

In view of misguidance found in democratic States concerning their grounding liberal model, some analysts are inclined to declare the bankrupt of liberalism, as well there are others who consider it not yet achieved. This paper aims to indicate in Locke’s political theory some intrinsic limitations of this model itself that has as result its very non-sustainability at long date.

Based upon the author's twenty-five years of experience leading seminars concerning the history of liberal education, this collection presents a uniquely comprehensive and salient set of documents, ranging from Plato to Martha Nussbaum, while incorporating the neglected portrayal and discussion of women within the history of the liberal arts.

As discussed by John Rawls, in a well-ordered society, a public political culture’s wide educational role bears the primary responsibility for developing reasonable individuals for the stability of a politically liberal society. Rawlsian scholars have also focused on the stability and enhancement of developed liberal democratic societies by means of those societies’ education systems. In this sense, one thing that is common to Rawlsian scholars’ and Rawls’s own understanding of the role of education appears to be a concern over the (...) stability of a politically liberal society since it is highly dependent on the character of its citizens. Also, it is usually believed that a politically liberal account of education can be implemented in a developed politically liberal society. In contrast, this study discusses the possibility of implementing a politically liberal account of education in a developing liberal society that may become a developed liberal democracy under an overlapping consensus. (shrink)

Liberal political theory is widely believed to be an inadequate source of civic commitment and thus of civic education primarily because of its commitment to what is perceived as a pervasive individualism. In this paper, I explore the possibility that John Rawls’s later political philosophy may provide a response to this belief. I first articulate a conception of liberal politics derived from Rawls’s idea of reflective equilibrium that generates an overlapping consensus about political principles among those who hold a wide (...) variety of cultural and personal conceptions of the good. Next I develop the aims for civic education in a society that employs such a politics. Then I suggest the elements of the public school curriculum appropriate for such a civic education, including a robust multicultural education, intellectual reflection on the society’s history, and philosophical training that enables children to understand the events and policies of their nation as following from general political principles. I also consider the kinds of classroom practice that seem necessary to provide the motivation to engage in the process of the emergence of an overlapping consensus, including opportunities to develop and to reflect on the principles that may be included in the current consensus and to understand the way in which those principles relate to children’s developing conceptions of the good. Finally, I compare this conception of civic education to those of other liberal theorists. (shrink)

John Riley 'A (Ukrainian) Life in Soviet Film: Liber's _Alexander Dovzhenko_' _Film-Philosophy_, vol. 7 no. 31, September 2003.

Why hasn’t democracy been embraced worldwide as the best form of government? Aesthetic critics of democracy such as Carlyle and Nietzsche have argued that modern democracy, by removing the hierarchical institutions that once elevated society’s character, turns citizens into bland, mediocre souls. Joel A. Johnson now offers a rebuttal to these critics, drawing surprising inspiration from American literary classics. Addressing the question from a new perspective, Johnson takes a fresh look at the worth of liberal democracy in these uncertain times (...) and tackles head-on the thorny question of cultural development. Examining the novels of James Fenimore Cooper, Mark Twain, and William Dean Howells, he shows that through their fiction we can gain a better appreciation of the rich detail of everyday life, making the debate relevant to contemporary discussions of liberal democracy. Johnson focuses on an issue that liberals have inadequately addressed: whether people tend to develop fully as individuals under liberal democracy when such a regime does little formally to encourage their development. He argues that, though the liberal fear of state-guided culture is well founded, it should not prevent us from evaluating liberalism’s effect on individual flourishing. By extending the debate over the worthiness of liberal democracy to include democracy’s effect on individual development, he contends that the democratic experience is much fuller than the aristocratic one and thus expands the faculties of its citizens. Critics of American democracy such as John Rawls have sought to transform it into a social or egalitarian democracy in the European style. Johnson shows that neither the debate between Rawls and his communitarian critics nor the ongoing discussion of the globalization of American values adequately addresses the fundamental critique of democratic culture advanced by the aesthetic critics. Johnson’s cogent analysis reaches out to those readers who are ready for a more comprehensive evaluation of liberal democracy, offering new insight into the relationship between the state and the individual while blazing new trails in the intersection of politics and literature. (shrink)

Post-Liberalism: Studies in Political Thought, by John Gray. New York and London: Routledge, 1993. 358 pp. $45Beyond the New Right: Markets, Government and the Common Environment, by John Gray.New York and London: Routledge, 1993. 195 pp. $34.50.

C’est la première édition critique du Liber particularis de Michel Scot, traité cosmologique latin qui constitue la deuxième partie de son Liber introductorius, rédigé entre 1220 et 1235 environ. L’édition est effectuée sur la base du ms. Bodl. Canon. Misc. 555 (collationné avec les mss Vatican, BAV Rossi IX 11 et Milan, Ambrosiana L 92 Sup), afin de restituer une version qui circula, sous une forme relativement stable, en Italie dans la première moitié du xiv e siècle. Dans (...) l’introduction, on trouvera les données essentielles sur les manuscrits du Liber particularis, sur la place de ce traité dans l’œuvre de Michel Scot et dans le contexte intellectuel de la cour de Frédéric II, ainsi qu’un essai préliminaire visant à l’inscrire dans le développement des savoirs en Occident dans la première moitié du xiii e siècle. (shrink)

Partiendo del conocimiento que los árabes tuvieron de los textos neoplatónicos atribuidos a Aristóteles, tales como la Pseudo-Teología y el Liber de Causis, la autora de este estudio investiga el posible conocimiento que Avicena tuvo de este último libro, conocido en el mundo árabe por el título de Kalam fi mahd al-hayr. Se apoya, para ello, en el análisis de cuatro pasajes de la Metafísica de la gran enciclopedia filosófica Al-Sifa ("La curación").

A libertas era uma questão fundamental na política romana, ligada aos primórdios da República; e Líber era uma divindade que correspondia a esse aspecto sob as mais diversas perspectivas. O papel de Líber como libertador é tão antigo em Roma que se confunde com as lendas dos fundadores da República, que foram chamados de libertadores por sua atuação na expulsão dos reis. Líber e libertas, especialmente a política, estavam arraigados à mente romana, e as lideranças políticas achavam interessante estabelecer essa (...) ligação. Entre as décadas de 40 e 30 a.C., vários líderes políticos adotaram divindades como patronos e modelos: Marco Antônio, Dioniso e Hércules; e Otaviano, a princípio, Apolo, e, posteriormente, Líber, um modelo oportuno por sua associação a Alexandre, o Grande (como símbolo da conquista do Oriente), e por seu papel como deus itálico da vegetação e do vinho, ligado aos antigos valores republicanos. No contexto da guerra civil, a acirrada disputa pelo poder era apresentada na poesia como um confronto entre modelos divinos. Aproveitando-se do caráter paradoxal de Baco, os poetas augustanos associam seu papel como herói deificado, símbolo de triunfo e poder civilizatório à figura de Augusto, reservando a Marco Antônio seus aspectos mais sombrios, como a embriaguez e o luxo excessivo. Este artigo analisa o modo como Horácio contribui para a assimilação de Líber ao repertório augustano, em um momento de profundas transformações políticas em Roma. (shrink)

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de examinar duas características imprescindíveis no desenvolvimento do liberalismo para o neoliberalismo, a saber, as relações entre mercado e Estado e o aparecimento do chamado homo oeconomicus. Dito de um modo mais preciso, naquilo que Foucault chama de governamentabilidade, a arte de governar do liberalismo, em tal racionalidade, em tal prática, em tal exercício de governo, este trabalho, este estudo tem por objetivo buscar saber quais são os efeitos desta passagem: do liberalismo ao neoliberalismo. Para (...) tal intento serão dois os pontos a serem examinados, a saber, as relações entre o mercado e o Estado e o aparecimento do chamado homo oeconomicus. A tensão existente entre as subjetividades dos cidadãos que compõem o Estado e a mínima administração deste. Isto é, de que forma o mercado, as relações de mercado se entrelaçam ou adentram nesta tensão. Equivale, portanto, questionar quem detêm o poder na governamentabilidade liberal: o Estado ou o mercado? As relações sociais no modelo de mercado econômico que outrora eram de troca, passam a ser relações de concorrência. Assim, a concorrência nas relações humanas propicia o desenvolvimento do chamado capital humano. E, para firmar, solidificar ou pactuar estas relações sociais, o direito e a economia consolidam um casamento perfeito. Deste modo, sociedade civil e o homo oeconomicus fazem parte de um conjunto chamado tecnologia da governamentabilidade liberal. Gerenciar ou governar passa a ser modelar as subjetividades que a compõem. Ou seja, governar, no modelo neoliberal, significa administrar as subjetividades que estruturam o Estado. No entanto, este „governar? significa, tão somente, gerenciar o chamado capital humano – o ser humano que investe em si mesmo. (shrink)

Strike explores the differences between Marxists and liberals over the nature of the good life, about how human beings are formed, and about episemology, and uses these discussions to explore views of schooling.

William Galston is a distinguished political philosopher whose work is informed by the experience of having also served from 1993–5 as President Clinton's Deputy Assistant for Domestic Policy. He is thus able to speak with an authority unique amongst political theorists about the implications of advancing certain moral and political values in practice. The foundational argument of this 2002 book is that liberalism is compatible with the value pluralism first espoused by Isaiah Berlin. William Galston defends a version of value (...) pluralism - liberal pluralism - and argues, against the contentions of John Gray and others, that it undergirds a kind of liberal politics that gives weight to the ability of individuals and groups to live their lives in accordance with their deepest beliefs about what gives meaning and purpose to life. (shrink)

This paper addresses what some view as a progressive and decades-long devaluing of the liberal arts in our educational institutions and society at large. It draws attention to symptoms of this trend and possible contributing factors, identifies benefits commonly attributed to the liberal arts, and then shows how insights from recent research on neuroplasticity provide good reason to believe that a traditional liberal education has positive effects on a person's brain. The paper supports the thesis that well-designed liberal arts courses (...) can literally transform students' minds and lives as a result of unique and synergistic brain processes activated and strengthened by the leaming experiences such courses provide. It finishes with recommendations to help reinvigorate and promote the value of liberal education. (shrink)

Nach der Edition der Expositio in Ps 59 und der Expositio orationis dominicae (P. van Deun [ed.], Maximi Confessoris Opuscula exegetica duo. [CChr.SG, 23.] Turnhout/Leuven 1991.] legt van Deun (D.) mit dem hier anzuzeigenden Band nun den Liber Asceticus des Maximus Confessor (erstmals) in einer kritischen Edition vor.

Is liberal democracy appropriate for East Asia? In this provocative book, Daniel Bell argues for morally legitimate alternatives to Western-style liberal democracy in the region. Beyond Liberal Democracy, which continues the author's influential earlier work, is divided into three parts that correspond to the three main hallmarks of liberal democracy--human rights, democracy, and capitalism. These features have been modified substantially during their transmission to East Asian societies that have been shaped by nonliberal practices and values. Bell points to the dangers (...) of implementing Western-style models and proposes alternative justifications and practices that may be more appropriate for East Asian societies. If human rights, democracy, and capitalism are to take root and produce beneficial outcomes in East Asia, Bell argues, they must be adjusted to contemporary East Asian political and economic realities and to the values of nonliberal East Asian political traditions such as Confucianism and Legalism. Local knowledge is therefore essential for realistic and morally informed contributions to debates on political reform in the region, as well as for mutual learning and enrichment of political theories. Beyond Liberal Democracy is indispensable reading for students and scholars of political theory, Asian studies, and human rights, as well as anyone concerned about China's political and economic future and how Western governments and organizations should engage with China. (shrink)

Both the author and the date of this five-volume poem, the first Western document to link the houses of the zodiac with the course of human affairs, are uncertain. The author's name may be Marcus Manilius, or Manlius, or Mallius, and the latest datable event mentioned in the books themselves is the disastrous defeat of Varus' Roman legions by the German tribes in 9 CE. The writing shows knowledge of the work of Lucretius, but the work is not referred to (...) by any subsequent writer, suggesting that it was never widely disseminated. A manuscript was rediscovered by Poggio Bracciolini in 1416 or 1417, and editions were produced by Scaliger and Bentley, but this immensely erudite edition of 1903–1930 by the scholar and poet A. E. Housman is regarded as authoritative. Volume 3 describes the working out of horoscopes. (shrink)

This collection explores the core concepts of Ignacio Ellacuría's liberating philosophy; his critique of ideologies and continuity with critical theory; his philosophical anthropology and humanism; and the implications that praxis has for philosophical thought.

A Hegelian Liberal Theory of the Penal Law Content Type Journal Article Category Book Review Pages 219-224 DOI 10.1007/s11572-011-9119-8 Authors Alfonso Donoso, Pontificia Universidad Cat’olica de Chile, ICP, Santiago, Chile Journal Criminal Law and Philosophy Online ISSN 1871-9805 Print ISSN 1871-9791 Journal Volume Volume 5 Journal Issue Volume 5, Number 2.

William Galston is a distinguished political philosopher whose work is informed by the experience of having also served from 1993–5 as President Clinton's Deputy Assistant for Domestic Policy. He is thus able to speak with an authority unique amongst political theorists about the implications of advancing certain moral and political values in practice. The foundational argument of this 2002 book is that liberalism is compatible with the value pluralism first espoused by Isaiah Berlin. William Galston defends a version of value (...) pluralism - liberal pluralism - and argues, against the contentions of John Gray and others, that it undergirds a kind of liberal politics that gives weight to the ability of individuals and groups to live their lives in accordance with their deepest beliefs about what gives meaning and purpose to life. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Klio Jahrgang: 98 Heft: 1 Seiten: 343-346.

Lifestyle diseases constitute an increasing proportion of health problems and this trend is likely to continue. A better understanding of the responsibility argument is important for the assessment of policies aimed at meeting this challenge. Holding individuals accountable for their choices in the context of health care is, however, controversial. There are powerful arguments both for and against such policies. In this article the main arguments for and the traditional arguments against the use of individual responsibility as a criterion for (...) the distribution of scarce health resources will be briefly outlined. It is argued that one of the most prominent contemporary normative traditions, liberal egalitarianism, presents a way of holding individuals accountable for their choices that avoids most of the problems pointed out by the critics. The aim of the article is to propose a plausible interpretation of liberal egalitarianism with respect to responsibility and health care and assess it against reasonable counter-arguments. (shrink)

It is widely supposed that liberal political theory must exclude direct concern for nature, that its anthropocentric individualism can allow only indirect, instrumental value to the non‐human world. This is perhaps thought to be especially true of contractarian versions of liberalism. In this paper I try to show that this is not so by outlining an argument based on an analogy between the ‘neutrality’ of Rawls' political liberalism and the ‘otherness’ of external nature. I consider some possible objections to the (...) argument, and try to explain why I think that the analogy is strong enough to justify modifying the Rawlsian approach to encompass direct concern for external nature (as other). If I am right then it is not necessary completely to abandon that approach in order to construct a more adequately ecocentric political theory. (shrink)

With a new foreword by Paul Kelly 'I regard Hayek's work as a new opening of the most fundamental debate in the field of political philosophy' - Sir Karl Popper 'This promises to be the crowning work of a scholar who has devoted a lifetime to thinking about society and its values. The entire work must surely amount to an immense contribution to social and legal philosophy' - Philosophical Studies Law, Legislation and Liberty is Hayek's major statement of political philosophy (...) and one of the most ambitious yet subtle defences of a free market society ever written. A robust defence of individual liberty, it is also crucial for understanding Hayek's influential views concerning the role of the state: far from being an innocent bystander, he argues that the state has an important role to play in defending the norms and practices of an ordered and free society. His arguments had a profound influence on the policies of Thatcher in the 1980s and resonate today in visions of the 'Big Society'. First published in three separate volumes, this Routledge Classics edition makes one of his most important books available in a single volume. Essential reading for understanding the background to the recent world economic turmoil and financial crisis, it also foreshadows the subsequent heated debate about regulation and political governance if such disasters are to be avoided in the future. (shrink)